Michael Carabuona relaxes at a sidewalk cafe with an apperitif

       Corruption in the form of kickbacks and bribes was rampant a few years ago, until the Mani pulite campaign (‘Clean Hands,’ and anti-corruption probe into various facets of Italian political life) brought some semblance of legality to the political process. And there was an effort made to limit the number of political parties that could gain representation in order to strengthen the weak political system. Italy’s center-left coalition governments of recent years were able to accomplish some amazing feats, not least of which was to get the country to join the European Monetary Union (EMU or Euro Zone), despite the historic weakness of the Italian Lira.

       But all is not well in Italy these days. Silvio Berlusconi, head of the Forza Italia party and candidate for Prime Minister is the owner of the most popular private TV stations in the country, not to mention proprietor of Panorama magazine (the Time of Italy) and publisher of several large regional newspapers. All of this, plus his cable and internet operations, makes Mr. Berlusconi the most powerful media titan in Italy bar none. He is also the owner of Milan’s soccer team, making him a cross between Rupert Murdoch and George Stienbrenner. Should he win (and polls predict he will), he would, as head of government also control the country’s government-run TV and radio stations, not to mention have the authority to introduce, weaken, or otherwise alter existing legislation which would further consolidate his already formidable media empire.

       Mr. Berlusconi, a savvy businessman as well as a savvy politician has come up with several ways to deal with the apparent conflict-of-interest problem that arises when the country’s largest media tycoon is also about to become the owner of all public media. He will sell his Mediaset Corporation to pal Rupert Murdoch (who has so far refused the offer to buy it, citing current Italian law that limits foreign ownership of the press. These laws could be amended once Mr. Berlusconi takes office, and any sale of Mediaset would ultimately enrich Mr. Berlusconi, the largest share holder), or he will let his sons take over the family business. One has to wonder if his sons will run the company independently of their father, or if they will instead run Mediaset in a way to keep their dad in political power, offering more coverage of his party than others, etc.

       In addition to the troublesome conflict-of-interest question, Mr. Berlusconi has been the focus of numerous inquiries involving tax evasion and has admitted to making bribes to Italian officials in the past so as to evade certain laws standing his way. And additional rumors abound (so far unproved) that he has had or continues to have links with Italian organized crime. Mr. Berlusconi was also a close associate of Mr. Craxi, a corrupt politician from the 1980s whose downfall leads to the Mani pulite campaign.

       Yet there’s even more reasons to be up in arms against a Berlusconi victory. His political allies include Umberto Bossi, a racist and demagogue who wants to separate Northern (re: rich and white) Italy from Southern (re: Sicilian and poor) Italy. Another ally is the Movimento Sociale Italiano (MSI, or Italian Social Movement) led by Gianfranco Fini. The MSI is a fascist, anti-immigrant, anti-European Union party.

       With charges of corruption, conflict-of-interest questions and racist/fascist allies is it any wonder why so many European press outlets (not Italian press outlets though; many of these are owned by Mr. Berlusconi) are horrified at a Berlusconi victory?

       In the U.S., we too should be worried about a Berlusconi victory. Italy is a major trading partner, an ally in NATO and an active member of many important international bodies. The installation of a corrupt, oligarchy with ties to right wing fringe groups only means more instability for Europe and the World.

       Yet the current U.S. administration doesn’t appear worried. Perhaps it feels that an anti-Europe, right-wing Italy would only weaken the social-democratic European Union, a potential competitor, and that this in turn would serve America’s interest. Or perhaps Mr. Bush feels a certain affinity for Mr. Berlusconi, a man whose political decisions, like his own, are dominated by his corporate allies’ aspirations.

       Perhaps this is why Mr. Bush has yet to name an Ambassador to Italy: he’s waiting until his friend officially takes power. More likely, however, is the fact that George W. Bush, international political neophyte that he is, just doesn’t care. It could take until 2002 before a U.S. Ambassador is named. Let’s hope Mr. Berlusconi’s coalition of neo-Conservatives, fascists and racists collapses before then.