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  The Unrequited Promise of America
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COMMENTARY:

The Unrequited Promise of America

by J. Russell Tyldesley
Conservatives have co-opted the language of freedom and liberty to serve the cause of concentrated power. The Democratic Party will not be able to effectively argue against this unless they abandon the shared consensus.
Writer Robert Parry's analysis of why Democrats continue to lose elections is very good, but I think the solutions suggested will not be effective. It makes a concession to the theory that you must fight fire with fire and descend to the tactics of your opposition—in effect, beat them at their own game.

I doubt that Democrats can secure a fair deal with the mainstream media. The reason is that a new consensus has emerged since the beginning of the Reagan years. It was made possible by the extraordinary economic expansion of the U.S. after the end of WW II. By 1960 it was indisputable that almost all citizens had participated in this economic expansion, particularly the highly extolled (if mostly mythical) “middle class.” World War II pulled us out of the depression that persisted through the 1930s, and the Cold War that followed extended the gains and made the GDP into the almost universally accepted measure of progress. The ancient debate between capital and labor was, seemingly, a thing of the past. Labor unions still gave most of their support to Democrats, but unions became increasingly domesticated and “reasonable” in their demands. Labor leaders often took stances that made it difficult to tell what side they were on.

While both Republicans and Democrats affirmed the triumph of capitalism—the Soviet Union would soon be defeated and all socialist movements were pronounced as failures—they did not capture the fundamental competitive (albeit selfish) nature of mankind and channel greed, envy and hypocrisy in positive ways. No need to break up “trusts” when corporations were (presumably) a way that every American could participate in prosperity through stock ownership. If corporate behavior was sometimes harmful to community values, who cared if they were personally rewarded? So, capitalism has been effectively “un-demonized” and in it now resides the expectation that an ever-expanding economy will supply the juice to resolve social conflicts and class warfare.

There is hardly an economist that will contest the truism that an expanding GDP will provide the financial muscle to improve the lives of all citizens. Even the answer for under-developed countries becomes to raise financial capital through exports which will (so it is supposed) raise the standard of living for all. The fact that almost half the citizens of the world survive on less than $2 a day does not seem to undermine this assumption, and various non-economic reasons suffice to explain away the continuing impoverishment of most of the world. So too, the apparent accelerating increase in the gap between rich and poor in America is still evaluated through a lens that will not see any deficiencies in the economic system as the culprit. The "common wisdom" is that it is laziness, wars, world events, natural disasters, government regulation and a social welfare mentality that prevents our economy from really humming and creating wealth for all.

Labor unrest has been successfully equated with various “red scares” that have been concocted in our history. These have been sufficient to demonize the liberal and democratic arguments for a more just and egalitarian social compact. The consensus includes the myth that the U.S. defeated communism because of our exceptional system and our charitable inclinations to make our system available to the rest of the world. Our economic system and our mainstream religions continue to portray the American character as something special and unique in history—surely a clear example of having earned God’s favor for all time. In fact, even some of our churches have come to understand the capitalist theory that it is not a good thing to help people or other countries with monetary aid. Instead, we justify acquiring precious natural resources, minerals, oil, gems etc. at cheap prices and the countries who happen to have these scarce materials will benefit from free trade. That the resources may be effectively owned by a criminal class can be overlooked if they purport to be trying to work on democracy and reforms. Meanwhile we can supply those countries with modern weapons of war to subdue their populations.

Both the Democrats and Republicans have been complicit in the articulation of this new "New Deal" that concedes to corporate domination and a government just large enough to provide a welfare system sufficient to keep the greatest number alive to be able to subsist on low wages, and regulate this privatized system through fiscal policies designed to encourage growth, maintain full employment (or nearly so—but not too full to spike inflation through higher wages). At the same time corporations will be free to channel investment, but must accept at least the concept of collective bargaining. Workers, in turn, may negotiate wages and benefits through unions, but must defer to management’s total authority to make decisions in all areas. When management mismanages and workers lose pensions and take drastic pay cuts as their employer teeters on the brink of bankruptcy, this is seen as only inevitable in a private competitive system.

It is quite amazing that in political campaigns, politicians of all stripes will tell how they will strengthen the middle class, but never make mention of a lower class or, for that matter, an upper class.
The concept of the inevitability of conflict in order to move the cause of democracy and equal rights forward has given way to the conservative assumptions that the liberation of labor can only lead to either communism or fascism. All good Americans must flock to the center and maintain the stability that supports realism and give up idealistic illusions that there is another way to help the underclasses. In fact, it is quite amazing that in political campaigns, politicians of all stripes will tell how they will strengthen the middle class, but never make mention of a lower class or, for that matter, an upper class—as though it is possible to have a middle without ends on either side.

It has become completely gauche to even allude to the language of class conflict, and this is why the Democratic Party seems to have lost its compass and cannot speak a language that resonates with yearnings that are still inherent (if lying dormant) in this great American experiment with a democracy of the people.

The salvation, if there is to be one, will begin at the grass roots, in local small communities where political labels and mass media are less important
Given this shared consensus against the people and in favor of capital and profits, I see little salvation in Democratic politics, at least at the national level. The salvation, if there is to be one, will begin at the grass roots, in local small communities where political labels and mass media are less important. Perhaps, then, the American people can have a long-deferred and long-postponed resumption of our primal conversation about who and what we want to be as a people; and will determine whether the spirit of our nation best reflects Tom Paine, Thomas Jefferson, and Abraham Lincoln; or Edmund Burke, John Q. Adams, Alexander Hamilton, and Ronald Reagan.

The old Federalist-Republican debate was never resolved 200 years ago for once and all—it has always been whether Americans will have an expanded suffrage and live up to its “Declared” principles that all men (and now women) are created equal and endowed with natural rights. Conservatives have co-opted the language of freedom and liberty to serve the cause of concentrated power. The Democratic Party will not be able to effectively argue against this unless they abandon the shared consensus. I’m betting they do not have the guts to do it, and they themselves do not understand or believe what America could be. That’s why I am still placing my bets on the emergence of a credible third party—it may take a thousand years, but I think it could happen in less than a hundred. Global warming and an endless war on terror may be two of the dynamic forcing issues that will change the course of history and bring about a much-needed second American Revolution.
J. Russell Tyldesley, an insurance executive and real estate developer, resides in New Mexico.

The author acknowledges the ideas expressed in Harvey Kaye's book, Thomas Paine and the Promise of America as an inspiration for this article.


Copyright © 2006 The Baltimore Chronicle. All rights reserved.

Republication or redistribution of Baltimore Chronicle content is expressly prohibited without their prior written consent.

This story was published on June 14, 2006.
 


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